Την ίδια ώρα, στην Κίνα...

Tackling a Wall of Lies – Profile of Pu Zhiqiang, a Chinese Human Rights Lawyer
(China Change)

Αρχικά το στιλ γραφής της Albertine Ren με ενόχλησε –σαν να διαβάζεις λαϊφσταϊλίστικο περιοδικό. Σιγά-σιγά το συνήθισα, και σκέφτηκα και τα καλά του (δίνει ζωή αντί για το αναμενόμενο ανιαρό στην προβλέψιμη επανάληψή του ανακοινωθέν της σύλληψης κλπ.)
 
Διπλωματικό θρίλερ με τον Κινέζο πρεσβευτή στην Ισλανδία
(Καθημερινή)
Η Κίνα αρνήθηκε να δώσει εξηγήσεις στην Ισλανδία για την τύχη του πρώην πρεσβευτή του Πεκίνου στο Ρέικιαβικ, ο οποίος απουσιάζει από τον περασμένο Ιανουάριο και δεν έχει αντικατασταθεί.

Ο Κινέζος διπλωμάτης Μα Τζισένγκ έφυγε από την Ισλανδία στις 27 Ιανουαρίου, χωρίς να ενημερωθεί το Ρέικιαβικ για τον λόγο της αναχώρησής του. Έκτοτε, δεν επέστρεψε και η Κίνα δεν εκπροσωπείται από πρεσβευτή, όμως η πρεσβεία της εξακολουθεί να λειτουργεί.
Ισλανδικά μέσα ενημέρωσης μετέδωσαν ότι ο πρεσβευτής "αγνοείται", μια λέξη που απέφυγε να χρησιμοποιήσει η κυβέρνηση.

Το Ρέικιαβικ ρώτησε κατ' επανάληψη τι συνέβη με τον Μα Τζισένγκ και η μοναδική απάντηση που έλαβε ήταν ότι δεν θα επιστρέψει στη θέση του, είπε η εκπρόσωπος του υπουργείου Εξωτερικών Ουρντούρ Γκουναρσντότιρ.

Η πρεσβεία της Κίνας αρνήθηκε να σχολιάσει το θέμα.

Στον ιστότοπο του υπουργείου Εξωτερικών της Κίνας, στον κατάλογο των πρεσβευτών, δεν υπάρχει κανένα όνομα στη θέση του πρεσβευτή στην Ισλανδία. Νωρίτερα, ένας εκπρόσωπος της κινεζικής διπλωματίας αρνήθηκε να απαντήσει σε ερωτήσεις για την τύχη του Μα Τζισένγκ ο οποίος επρόκειτο να τιμηθεί στο Ρέικιαβικ από τον Σινοϊσλανδικό Πολιτιστικό Οργανισμό (KIM) για τη συμβολή του στη σύναψη καλών σχέσεων μεταξύ των δύο χωρών.

Ο πρόεδρος του ΚΙΜ Άρντορ Χέλγκασον είπε στην εφημερίδα DV ότι έχει ζητήσει, χωρίς αποτέλεσμα μέχρι τώρα, τη βοήθεια της πρεσβείας της Ισλανδίας στο Πεκίνο για να εντοπίσει τον Μα.

Η Ισλανδία και η Κίνα διατηρούν καλές διπλωματικές σχέσεις. Η Ισλανδία είναι η μοναδική ευρωπαϊκή χώρα που έχει υπογράψει συμφωνία ελευθέρου εμπορίου με την Κίνα, τον Απρίλιο του 2013 και θεωρείται από το Πεκίνο στρατηγικής σημασίας για την ανάπτυξη ενός θαλάσσιου δρόμου προς την Ευρώπη μέσω της Αρκτικής.
 
Ούτε όμως αν είσαι άνω των 80 ετών απαλλάσσεσαι:

Arrest of Tie Liu Proves ‘Pen is Mightier Than the Sword’
September 15, 2014

PEN American Center Calls for Immediate Release of 81-Year Old Writer Arrested Sunday in Beijing

NEW YORK—The arrest and detention Sunday of Chinese writer and publisher Tie Liu is an outrageous example of Beijing’s 65-year campaign against free expression, prioritizing the image of the Party over the rights of the people, PEN American Center said in a statement today.

Tie, now 81 years old, spent nearly 25 years in Chinese labor camps for criticizing Mao and the Party in his writing after China’s Communist Revolution. He is charged with “creating a disturbance,” though police were unable or unwilling to explain the details of the accusation.

“The government in Beijing has been trying to repress Tie’s ideas for almost 60 years and, even though he’s over 80, they have not let up,” said Dominic Moran, Director of Free Expression Programs at PEN American Center. “The impressive thing is, neither has he.”

PEN is protesting Tie’s arrest as a violation of his universally guaranteed right to free expression and demands his immediate release on humanitarian grounds.

Tie’s arrest elucidates the mantra that “the pen is mightier than the sword.” Despite his previous imprisonment, Tie had continued writing political essays and publishing memoirs of people persecuted by the Communist Party. His age exempts him as a threat to public safety, a claim often invoked by the Chinese to justify political detentions. The New York Times suggests his arrest “probably” stems from a critical essay he published earlier this year on Liu Yunshan, Director of the Propaganda Department of the Communist Party of China Central Committee.

At 81, Mr. Tie is increasingly vulnerable to deteriorating health and mistreatment in detention, and thus his incarceration may violate his right to a just and proportionate punishment. According to his wife and lawyer, Mr. Tie was confident that, due to his age, he was no longer at risk of arrest.
 
Film About Exiles Is Banned in Singapore
By CHEN MAY YEE

KUALA LUMPUR, Malaysia – A documentary about the lives of Singaporean exiles has been banned in Singapore on the grounds that it undermines national security.

“To Singapore, With Love” by the Singaporean filmmaker Tan Pin Pin was classified as NAR, the Media Development Authority said Wednesday. NAR stands for “Not allowed for all ratings,” meaning it can neither be shown nor distributed in Singapore.

Ms. Tan had traveled to the United Kingdom, Malaysia and Thailand to film the lives of nine Singaporeans, in their 60s and older. Among them were trade unionists, student leaders and Communists who fled in the 1960s and 1970s, for fear of being imprisoned under Singapore’s Internal Security Act, which allows for detention without trial.

In the film, they speak about their homeland, and how they cope in exile – by frying up a plate of Singapore rice noodles, or flying in to meet loved ones in neighboring Malaysia. One of them, Ang Swee Chai, a surgeon in London and the widow of another exile, said she found renewed purpose in life by traveling to provide medical aid to Palestinian refugees. For Ho Juan Thai, a former student leader also in London, the fear of being somehow accidentally sent back to Singapore kept him from marrying until he was 60.

The 70-minute movie had its premiere at the Busan International Film Festival in South Korea last October. It has been shown at festivals in Berlin, Bangkok, Seoul, New York, Kuala Lumpur and Dubai, where Ms. Tan, 45, won an award for best documentary director at the Dubai International Film Festival.

The Media Development Authority said it took issue with the film’s version of history. “The MDA has assessed that the contents of the film undermine national security because legitimate actions of the security agencies to protect the national security and stability of Singapore are presented in a distorted way as acts that victimized innocent individuals,” the agency said in a press release on Wednesday.

“The individuals featured in the film gave the impression that they are being unfairly denied their right to return to Singapore,” the agency said. In fact, it added, former Communists can return “if they agree to be interviewed by the authorities on their past activities to resolve their cases” while other “criminal offenses will have to be accounted for in accordance with the law.”

“To Singapore, With Love,” was slated to be screened by the National University of Singapore Museum in late September, along with two of Ms. Tan’s earlier films. She said in a statement on Wednesday that she was “very disappointed” by the ban.

“I made this film because I myself wanted to better understand Singapore. I wanted to understand how we became who we are by addressing what was banished and unspoken for,” Ms. Tan said. “I was also hoping that the film would open up a national conversation to allow us to understand ourselves as a nation better too.”

She added: “Now, the irony [is] that a film about Singapore exiles is now exiled from Singapore as well.”

The film will be shown in Johor Bahru, Malaysia, just across the border next week as part of the Freedom Film Festival.
 
Δηλώσεις κατά καιρούς του Ουιγούρου καθηγητή του Πανεπιστημίου Μειονοτήτων Ilham Tohti, ο οποίος δικάζεται τώρα για "αποσχιστικές δραστηριότητες". Όπου θα βρείτε και μια ρήση, με Chinese characteristics όμως, του γνωστού χουντικού σλόγκαν "κάθε πόλη και στάδιο, κάθε χωριό και γυμναστήριο"...

Ilham Tohti Says (China Change)
 
Balcanica Sinica:

Macedonia Warms to High-Speed Rail Plan
Macedonia is mulling whether to sign up to a Chinese plan to build a high-speed pan-Balkan railway line, which Serbia revealed last week.
Sinisa Jakov Marusic BIRN Skopje (Balkan Insight)

Macedonia is warming to the idea of building a regional north-south high-speed railroad, which in its final stage would link the Greek port of Thessaloniki to Budapest via Skopje and Belgrade.

Domestic experts warn, however, that if the plan goes ahead, much ongoing spending on transport reconstruction in Macedonia will have been done in vain.

If Macedonia signs up to the plan revealed last week by the Serbian Prime Minister, Aleksandar Vucic, “we will have to completely redo all of our existing lines along the corridor 10. There is no question about it,” a high ranking source in Macedonian Railways - Infrastructure, a state-owned enterprise, told Balkan Insight.

In 2012, Macedonia launched a major project to reconstruct its main railway lines as part of the north-south pan-European transport corridor 10, using mostly European pre-accession development, IPA funds.

As part of the reconstruction, costing over 55 million euros, several outdated lines such as those from Kumanovo to Deljadrovce, Dracevo to Veles and from Bitola to Kremenica are being fitted to withstand train speeds up to 120kmh.

But the new Chinese-sponsored plan envisages trains moving at between 160 and 200kmh, which would require further significant, costly upgrades.

“We should join the plan without hesitation,” Vulnet Paloshi, a civil engineering professor at the Tetovo University, said.

“It will boost trade and ease connections to our biggest market, the EU,” Paloshi said, adding that “in terms of transporting passengers, a high-speed connection would make the railway a true competitor to air transport”.

Macedonian statistics reveals that almost 60 per cent of the its annual exports go to European Union.

The plan for a high-speed railway to be built by Chinese companies was first revealed last week.

After meeting his Chinese counterpart, Li Keqiang, Serbian Prime Minister Vucic said that the two leaders had discussed a plan for a high-speed rail link from Belgrade to Budapest.

According to Vucic, Li recently agreed with Greek Prime Minister Antonis Samaras that the Budapest-Belgrade railway should be extended via Skopje in Macedonia to Thessaloniki.

Vucic said that the project to link Belgrade with Budapest could be built within three years and undertaken as part of the Chinese mechanism for cooperation with the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. Vucic this week added that he expected EU support for the idea.

Vucic said that in December, he and his Chinese and Hungarian counterparts, Li Keqiang and Viktor Orban, would sign an agreement on construction of the railway line that would reduce the 400km ride from Belgrade to Budapest to three hours.

Meanwhile, Chinese railroad experts are to visit Belgrade in the next two weeks to work out more details.

Last week, Macedonian Transport Minister Mile Janakieski told the media that his government had been informed about the plans for the railway.

“China already informed us about the project. However, it is still in a preparatory phase so it is too early to tell what it will contain,” Janakieski said.

If Macedonia becomes part of the plan, “certain parts of the railway line will have to be built afresh. Other parts will only need to be adjusted,” he added.

The idea comes in parallel with another Chinese plan to construct a water connection between the Vardar river in Macedonia and the Morava and Danube rivers in Serbia.


Αγνοώ το θέμα, αλλά δεν θα 'πρεπε μια τέτοια γραμμή να είναι στα σχέδια περιφερειακής ανάπτυξης της ΕΕ;
 
Confucius Institutes: Academic Malware
Marshall Sahlins
University of Chicago Press.
Distributed for Prickly Paradigm Press
Paper $12.95 ISBN: 9780984201082 Published November 2014
84 pages | 4 1/2 x 7 | © 2015
http://www.press.uchicago.edu/ucp/books/book/distributed/C/bo20637267.html

In recent years, Confucius Institutes have sprung up on more than four hundred and fifty campuses worldwide, including nearly one hundred across the United States. At first glance, this seems like a benefit for everyone concerned. The colleges and universities receive considerable contributions from the Confucius Institutes’ head office in Beijing, including funds to cover the cost of set-up, the provision of Chinese-language instructors, and a cache of other resources. For their part, the Confucius Institutes are able to further their mission of spreading knowledge of Chinese language and culture. But Marshall Sahlins argues that this seemingly innocuous arrangement conceals the more dubious mission of promoting the political influence of the Chinese government, as guided by the propaganda apparatus of the party-state. Drawing on reports in the media and conversations with those involved, Sahlins shows that the Confucius Institutes are a threat to the principles of academic freedom and integrity at the foundation of our system of higher education. Incidents of academic malpractice are disturbingly common, Sahlins shows. They range from virtually unnoticeable acts of self-censorship to the discouragement of visits from the Dalai Lama and publicly notorious cases like a recent discrimination suit brought against McMaster University when a Confucius Institute teacher was unable to maintain her position after revealing her adherence to Falun Gong. As prominent universities are persuaded by the promise of additional funding to allow Confucius Institutes on campus, they also legitimate them and thereby encourage the participation of other schools less able to resist Beijing’s inducements. But if these great institutions are to uphold the academic principles upon which they are founded, Sahlins convincingly argues that they must reverse this course, terminate their relations to the Confucius Institutes, and resume their obligation of living up to the idea of the university.
 

SBE

¥
Μα καλά πια αυτοί οι Κινέζοι, όλα τα αντιγράφουν; Ούτε ιερό ούτε όσιο δεν έχουν; Δεν τους φτάνουν τα ηλεκτρολογικά και τα φτηνορούχα; Ακόμα και το μοντέλο του Βρετανικού Συμβουλίου αντιγράφουν; Τι άλλο θα δούμε πια; Κινεζική αρχαιολογική σχολή με αρχαιολόγους-κατάσκοπους;
 
Η διαφορά με τα Ινστιτούτα Κομφούκιος είναι ότι δρουν εντός των πανεπιστημίων. Βλ. και το άρθρο του Sahlins πριν από ένα χρόνο στο παρόν νήμα.
 
Shen Yongping’s Indictment
(China Change)

Shen Yongping (沈勇平) is a documentary maker living in Beijing best known for making One Hundred Years of Constitutionalism (《百年宪政》) (trailer in Chinese), now available on YouTube. He was detained in April of this year, and charged with illegal business operations. His trial will be held at 9:30 am on November 4th, 2014, in Yuhe Court of Chaoyang District People’s Court (北京市朝阳区人民法院温榆河法庭).

His lawyer Zhang Xuezhong recently posted that, “In the course of making the documentary, Shen Yongping was warned repeatedly by the authorities that, if he didn’t stop filming, he would face prison time. Shen Yongping replied, ‘If you regard it as committing a crime to make a public interest documentary, then I would rather go after my dream and fulfill my own promise even if it means being locked in jail.’ On the same day the filming was done, Shen Yongping was detained by police in Beijing. He is the first individual in China who has lost his freedom for recording China’s history of pursuing constitutionalism.”



People’s Procuratorate of Chaoyang District, Beijing Municipality

Indictment

Beijing Chaoyang Procuratorate criminal indict. (2014) No. 2475

Defendant Shen Yongping, male, born November 23, 1980, ID number: 36050219801123****, ethnic Han, undergraduate university education, place of household registration: [redacted by translators], Xinyu municipality, Jiangxi province. Was criminally detained on April 29, 2014, by the Chaoyang Branch of Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau. On June 5, 2014, arrest was approved by this Procuratorate and carried out by the Chaoyang Branch of Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau.

The Chaoyang Branch of Beijing Municipal Public Security Bureau conducted and completed investigation on this case, and transferred it to this Procuratorate on July 28, 2014, for review for indictment of defendant Shen Yongping on suspicion of the crime of conducting illegal business operations. Upon receiving the filing, this Procuratorate notified the defendant on July 30, 2014, of his right to defense, interrogated the defendant in accordance with the law, and reviewed all the materials of this case. During this process, [this procuratorate] extended the time period once for 15 days for reviewing and deciding on an indictment.

Investigation in accordance with law has been ascertained: On April 28, 2014, police found and seized 4,000 DVDs titled “A Hundred Years of Constitutionalism” owned by the defendant Shen Yongping at Apt. 1802, No. 45 Bld., Huawei Beili, Chaoyang District, Beijing. These DVDs was identified by the Beijing Municipal Bureau of Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television in its “Publication Review and Identification Statement” as illegal publications, and have subsequently been confiscated.

The evidence affirming the facts stated above is as follows: Witness statements, documentary evidence, [authorities’] evaluation statement, and statement by the defendant.

This Procuratorate believes that defendant Shen Yongping has had weak understanding of the rule of law when he published and duplicated audio and visual products in violation of the state regulations. His behaviors disrupted the market order in a particularly serious manner that violated Article 225 (4) of the Criminal Law of the People’s Republic of China. The criminal facts are clear, the evidence is credible and sufficient, and [the defendant] should be subjected to criminal prosecution for conducting illegal business operations. In accordance with Article 172 of the Criminal Procedure Law of the People’s Republic of China, we hereby indict [the defendant] and ask [the court] to sentence him in accordance with the law.



Sincerely submitted to:

People’s Court of Chaoyang District, Beijing Municipality



People’s Procuratorate of Chaoyang District, Beijing Municipality (seal)

Deputy prosecutor: Yan Shuai

September 2, 2014

Attached:

1. Defendant Shen Yongping is currently detained in the detention center of Chaoyang District, Beijing;
2. There are a total of 3 volumes of litigation documents; 1 compact disc;
3. 2 copies of Recommendation for Sentencing;
4. 1 copy of Recommendation for Applying Simplified Trial Procedures;
5. Materials transferred to this case: None.
 
Η Ταϊβάν, η ΛΔΚ, οι ΗΠΑ, και οι Αμερικανοί χοιροτρόφοι: "αν θέλετε τα υποβρύχιά μας, φάτε τα σκατά μας".

Taiwan President Backs Hong Kong Protesters While Courting Beijing
By KEITH BRADSHER and AUSTIN RAMZY (ΝΥΤ)

TAIPEI, Taiwan — President Ma Ying-jeou of Taiwan voiced support on Friday for the democratic ideals of student protesters in Hong Kong and for greater democracy in mainland China itself, taking a chance on antagonizing Beijing even as he reaffirmed his policy of seeking further free-trade agreements with the mainland.

”If mainland China can practice democracy in Hong Kong, or if mainland China itself can become more democratic, then we can shorten the psychological distance between people from the two sides of the Taiwan Strait,’’ Mr. Ma said in an interview here on Friday.

The president’s public pronouncements on the Hong Kong protests — he also expressed support for them in a televised speech on Taiwan’s National Day, Oct. 10 — show a greater willingness lately to speak out on an issue of considerable sensitivity to the Beijing leadership. But Mr. Ma was quick to point out that he had issued an annual statement each June to mourn the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989, and that Beijing had not made those statements an obstacle to improving relations.

“I think our support of Hong Kong’s democracy will not be at the expense of cross-strait relations,” he said.

Speaking in a 75-minute interview in a formal reception room at the presidential palace, Mr. Ma drew a distinction between his support for the protests in Hong Kong and his condemnation of student protests in Taipei last spring that indefinitely delayed one of his free-trade agreements with the mainland, which would cover service industries like health care and banking.

He suggested that the protests in Taiwan, involving the temporary seizing of the legislature and the main government office building, had been more violent. The Hong Kong authorities contend that protesters there had kicked the police and poked them with umbrellas, while the Taiwan protesters have said that they were peaceful victims of overly aggressive policing.

“There is absolutely no contradiction, as I support democracy but oppose violence,” Mr. Ma said.

Mr. Ma repeatedly signaled the delicate balancing act he must strike as the leader of a longtime American ally that now has more trade with mainland China than anywhere, and which has long been viewed by Beijing as a Chinese province that must be eventually brought under its control.

In recent weeks, China’s president, Xi Jinping, has taken a somewhat tougher stance toward Taiwan, suggesting it adopt a relationship to China similar to Hong Kong’s “one country, two systems” model. Mr. Ma on Friday roundly rejected that idea, which opposition politicians have long dismissed as a nonstarter because it would strip Taiwan of its sovereignty and leave it in a subordinate position.

Mr. Ma expressed a desire for Taiwan to play a more visible role on issues like preserving peace in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, even while chafing at the fact that the mainland authorities had not invited him to the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation summit meeting on Nov. 10 and 11 in Beijing.

“The mainland side is a bit overly concerned, so it’s a pity that a meeting at APEC cannot take place,” he said.

Taiwan has diplomatic relations with only 22 countries — mostly small ones in the Caribbean, Central America, Africa and the Pacific, plus the Vatican. The rest of the world has recognized Beijing as the government of China.

The lack of diplomatic relations has made it harder for Taiwan to negotiate trade pacts. Taiwan companies now face low or zero overseas tariffs for only a tenth of their exports, compared with 70 percent of Singapore’s exports, Mr. Ma said.

As Taiwan has pursued closer cross-strait ties under Mr. Ma, some in the United States and among Taiwan’s opposition Democratic Progressive Party have questioned whether it is sufficiently investing in its defense against the potential threat from China, which has said it would use military force if the island pursues a formal declaration of independence.

Hsiao Bi-khim, the opposition whip in Taiwan’s legislature, noted in an interview on Thursday that while a new defense budget approved on Wednesday called for a slight nominal increase in military spending next year, the increase was so small that military spending as a share of Taiwan’s economic output would continue to decline.

“When you look at their defensive expenditures over the last 20 years, I personally am not very impressed with the fact that they take the military threat from the mainland very seriously,” said Bernard D. Cole, a professor at the National War College in Washington. “They’re not emulating Israel or Singapore in terms of devoting money to defense.”

Mr. Ma reiterated Taiwan’s recent desire to begin building its own new submarines, noting that its current fleet of four is rapidly aging and includes one that is 70 years old and needs to be retired. He said that Taiwan would like to acquire submarine technology from the United States, but that it is still in the process of identifying what technology is needed and has not submitted a formal request.

The United States, which is obligated to help Taiwan procure weapons for its defense under the Taiwan Relations Act, agreed in 2001 to help the island acquire diesel-powered submarines. But the United States has long since stopped making such submarines, and Chinese pressure on other possible providers has forced Taiwan to consider building its own.

“We will continue with our indigenous submarine program; of course, we also need to rely on technologies from other countries,” Mr. Ma said.

Asked which of two visions for free trade in Asia he preferred — the American-led Trans-Pacific Partnership or the Beijing-backed Free Trade Agreement of the Asia Pacific — Mr. Ma briefly switched from Chinese to English to say with emphasis, “Both, we want both.”

However, after switching back to Chinese, he went on to praise the value of the American plan and also the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership, a Southeast Asian plan, without saying anything further about the Chinese proposal.

Mr. Ma criticized the United States’ insistence that negotiations for a bilateral investment agreement not begin until Taiwan allows imports of American pork that contain ractopamine, an additive that the European Union and mainland China also ban because of safety concerns. The additive, which helps produce leaner meat, is widely used by hog producers in the United States, a top pork exporter.

In a written reply to questions, the Office of the United States Trade Representative stopped short of declaring that pork was the sole obstacle to negotiations for a bilateral investment agreement, saying only, “We continue to urge Taiwan to adopt international standards for use of ractopamine in pork, since the meat is safe for human consumption.”

Nicholas D. Giordano, the vice president and counsel of the National Pork Producers Council, a trade group based in Des Moines, said that the council had actively opposed any American opening of negotiations with Taiwan on a bilateral investment agreement. But he said that other American agribusiness sectors, including rice growers and producers of distilled spirits, also had misgivings about letting the investment agreement proceed without seeing their issues addressed first.

The pork council has allowed broader trade talks with the European Union to proceed, and has raised fewer objections to mainland China’s similar restrictions on ractopamine. “Right now the focus is on Taiwan because they want something from us,” namely a bilateral investment agreement, Mr. Giordano said. “Our position vis-à-vis the European Union and the Chinese is really none of their business.”
 
China bans wordplay in attempt at pun control
Officials say casual alteration of idioms risks nothing less than ‘cultural and linguistic chaos’, despite their common usage
(Tania Branigan in Beijing / The Guardian)

From online discussions to adverts, Chinese culture is full of puns. But the country’s print and broadcast watchdog has ruled that there is nothing funny about them.

It has banned wordplay on the grounds that it breaches the law on standard spoken and written Chinese, makes promoting cultural heritage harder and may mislead the public – especially children.

The casual alteration of idioms risks nothing less than “cultural and linguistic chaos”, it warns.

Chinese is perfectly suited to puns because it has so many homophones. Popular sayings and even customs, as well as jokes, rely on wordplay.

But the order from the State Administration for Press, Publication, Radio, Film and Television says: “Radio and television authorities at all levels must tighten up their regulations and crack down on the irregular and inaccurate use of the Chinese language, especially the misuse of idioms.”

Programmes and adverts should strictly comply with the standard spelling and use of characters, words, phrases and idioms – and avoid changing the characters, phrasing and meanings, the order said.

“Idioms are one of the great features of the Chinese language and contain profound cultural heritage and historical resources and great aesthetic, ideological and moral values,” it added.

“That’s the most ridiculous part of this: [wordplay] is so much part and parcel of Chinese heritage,” said David Moser, academic director for CET Chinese studies at Beijing Capital Normal University.

When couples marry, people will give them dates and peanuts – a reference to the wish Zaosheng guizi or “May you soon give birth to a son”. The word for dates is also zao and peanuts are huasheng.

The notice cites complaints from viewers, but the examples it gives appear utterly innocuous. In a tourism promotion campaign, tweaking the characters used in the phrase jin shan jin mei – perfection – has turned it into a slogan translated as “Shanxi, a land of splendours”. In another case, replacing a single character in ke bu rong huan has turned “brook no delay” into “coughing must not linger” for a medicine advert.

“It could just be a small group of people, or even one person, who are conservative, humourless, priggish and arbitrarily purist, so that everyone has to fall in line,” said Moser.

“But I wonder if this is not a preemptive move, an excuse to crack down for supposed ‘linguistic purity reasons’ on the cute language people use to crack jokes about the leadership or policies. It sounds too convenient.”

Internet users have been particularly inventive in finding alternative ways to discuss subjects or people whose names have been blocked by censors.

Moves to block such creativity have a long history too. Moser said Yuan Shikai, president of the Republic of China from 1912 to 1915, reportedly wanted to rename the Lantern Festival, Yuan Xiao Jie, because it sounded like “cancel Yuan day”.

• Additional research by Luna Lin
 
KMT (=Kuomintang) loses big

Ma to resign as KMT chairman: reports
GENERATION GAP? Greater Taichung Mayor Jason Hu said that the party did poorly in the polls because it did not understand young people, who take things for granted
By Shih Hsiu-chuan / Staff reporter / Taipei Times

(...)
The KMT won in 6 of the nation’s 22 cities and counties, losing control of historical strongholds it held in Taipei, Greater Taichung and Taoyuan to the Democratic Progressive Party. It previously controlled 15 seats.
(...)
The reason the KMT lost the election is because it did not understand the younger generation, Hu [=Defeated Greater Taichung Mayor Jason Hu (胡志強)] said.
“Young people take for granted what they are given and they think they are owed what they long for. If you give them an iPhone 5, they are still mad at you because you did not give them an iPhone 6,” he said.

Αυτό θα πει ανάλυση ψήφου!
 
Ο Τζονγκ Γιονγκ-κάνγκ ξεπατώθηκε (νά και κάτι καλό), για να γίνει ο Χι(Σι) ο νέος Μάο:

Xi Jinping: the growing cult of China's 'Big Daddy Xi'
A growing cult of personality surrounds Chinese president Xi Jinping as he seeks to cement his position as a Putin-style strongman determined to realise his “China Dream”
By Tom Phillips, Shanghai (The Telegraph)

They call him “Xi Dada” or “Big Daddy Xi” and he is rapidly emerging as China’s most powerful leader since Mao.

Xi Jinping completes two years as president in January and as he enters his third year in office a growing cult of personality is being built around the 61-year-old as he fights to stamp his authority onto the Chinese Communist Party.

There are love songs about Xi, odes to Xi, academic papers about Xi, cartoons of Xi and even action figures of Xi.

A Xi-related publishing blitz has seen at least seven major books hit Chinese shelves since late 2013, including collections of Xi Jinping’s thoughts, his speeches, anecdotes, quotes, newspaper editorials and work reports.

The most recent – a compendium of quotations entitled “Approachable: The Charm of Xi Jinping’s Words” – is large and yellow but otherwise bears a striking resemblance to Mao Zedong’s “Little Red Book”. That volume, once said to have been the most printed on earth, began life in the early 1960s as “200 Quotations from Chairman Mao”.

Xi’s 273-page paperback was published last month by Shanghai’s Jiao Tong University and contains fawning analyses of sound bites from his first two years in office.

“President Xi often uses metaphors and story-telling methods to explain profound truths,” gushes the preamble. “President Xi’s language contains great wisdom in its simplicity and has a penetrating power that directly touches people’s hearts.”

Among dozens of “charming” presidential quotations are: “The arrow won’t come back after you shoot the bow,” and, in a section about foreign policy, “As distance tests a horse’s strength, so time reveals a person’s heart”.

A second print run has already been ordered after the initial 50,000 copies flew off the shelves and an English-language version is in the pipeline, a university official said.

The construction of a cult of personality around president Xi represents a dramatic direction change for a country that sought to rule collectively after the devastation wrought during Chairman Mao’s three-decade monopoly on power.

Before Xi took office, “there had been a taboo and long-standing party norm: don’t hold yourself up as a personality,” said Carl Minzner, an expert in Chinese law and governance from New York’s Fordham Law School.

“Big Daddy Xi” has shredded that rulebook. “In two years he has managed to amass a level of power that we haven’t seen in one person in quite some time,” said Prof Minzner.

The message from Beijing’s spin-doctors was crystal clear. “Xi is the top dog.”

In a recent speech, Zheng Yongnian, the director of the Asia Institute at the Singapore National University, argued Xi was establishing himself as the third key leader of post-Revolution China.

Just as Mao dominated the “first generation” of Communist China and Deng Xiaoping the second, now Xi Jinping was cementing himself as the helmsman of the “third generation”.

“In the previous system, each of the Politburo members led his own slice of the pie,” Prof Zheng argued. “Now it is different. Xi is in charge of everything.”

Barack Obama echoed that analysis last week, as Xi tightened his grip on power by ordering the arrest of Zhou Yongkang, a key rival and China’s former security chief, for a sensational list of charges including taking “massive” bribes, leaking state secrets and “trading power for sex and money”.

“Everybody’s been impressed by his… clout inside of China after only a year and a half or two years,” the US president said on Wednesday.

“He has consolidated power faster and more comprehensively than probably anybody since Deng Xiaoping,” Obama added, voicing concerns about the possible implications for human rights and China’s relations with its neighbours.

The rise of “Big Daddy Xi” stems from the president’s apparent conviction that it was the absence of firm leadership that allowed the Soviet Union to crumble.

“When the Soviet Party was about to collapse, there was not one person who was man enough to turn back the tide,” he reportedly told senior leaders in late 2012.

A Vladimir Putin-style strongman is now needed if China is to avoid the same fate, Xi believes. He has welcomed comparisons to Russia’s muscle-flexing president, telling that country’s state-media: “I feel that our personalities are quite similar”.

Prince Charles once dismissed China’s leaders as a lifeless collective of “appalling old waxworks”. But the Xi Jinping now being presented to China and the world is a vivid, multi-dimensional character, at once action hero, skilled diplomat and doting father.

Photographs in Xi’s recently published tome “The Governance of China” show him lecturing Obama and Putin, as both appear to listen intently. Elsewhere he is shown clad in army fatigues and braving minus 30Â?C temperatures as he visits border troops in Inner Mongolia.

There is also a softer side to “Big Daddy Xi”. He is an easy-going family chief whose glamorous wife, the singer Peng Liyuan, regards him as “both a unique and a very ordinary person”.

“Peng takes every opportunity to be together with her husband, cooking dishes of different styles for him,” we are told. They have a daughter whose Chinese name means “living an honest life and being a useful person to society”.

In a 22-page hagiography called “Man of the People” we are introduced to “a mild person” and “man of compassion” who has “brought a fresh breeze through the country’s political life”.

“Sometimes he stays up late watching sports on television,” the profile notes.

Ordinary Chinese appear to have warmed to Xi’s wholesome yet hardman persona.

Applications for state funding for Xi-related academic papers reportedly rocketed in 2014. Approved studies include those on the “historical materialism of Xi’s important speeches”, the “essence of Xi Jinping’s series of important speeches” and the “innovation in Xi’s key speeches”.

“We love and respect President Xi,” said Song Zhigang, the composer of a recent viral love song about Xi and his wife called “Big Daddy Xi loves Mama Peng” that has been viewed nearly 25 million times since its online release.

Yet the meteoric rise of “Big Daddy Xi” could also prove dangerous, cautioned Prof Minzner.

“Given China’s turbulent past, and its lack of autonomous political or legal institutions, you have to be worried when you see power increasingly being concentrated in the hands of a single populist leader,” he said.

Online entrepreneurs show no such fears and are busy cashing in on China’s commander-in-chief with rubber dolls, sticker collections and even replicas of a black umbrella once used by the President.

“We regard Xi as the emperor of a reviving nation,” said Xiao Ajian, who, for around £2, sells two-sided heart-shaped amulets featuring Chairman Mao on one side and “Big Daddy Xi” on the other.

“The design shows Xi is great,” Mr Xiao added. “As great as Mao.”
 
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