Ολοκληρωτικά

Κατέρρευσε πολυκατοικία
Πρώτη φορά συγγνώμη για δυστύχημα ζήτησαν οι αρχές της Β.Κορέας
(in.gr)
Πιονγκγιάνγκ, Βόρεια Κορέα
Σε μία ασυνήθιστη κίνηση για τα δεδομένα της χώρας προχώρησαν οι αρχές της Βορείου Κορέας, ζητώντας για πρώτη φορά συγγνώμη για δυστύχημα που συνέβη σε μια υπό κατασκευή πολυκατοικία στην Πιονγιάνγκ, η οποία κατέρρευσε.

Τα επίσημα μέσα ενημέρωσης της Βορείου Κορέας έκαναν λόγο για ένα «απίστευτο» δυστύχημα που άφησε πίσω του αδιευκρίνιστο αριθμό θυμάτων.

Οι αρχές της Πιονγκγιάνγκ εκφράζουν «τη βαθιά θλίψη και τη συγγνώμη τους», ήταν η πρώτη επίσημη ανακοίνωση για το δυστύχημα που σημειώθηκε στην περιοχή Πιονγκτσόν της πρωτεύουσας της Βορείου Κορέας την Τρίτη.

«Η κατασκευή ενός συγκροτήματος κατοικιών δεν έγινε σωστά και οι αξιωματούχοι που την επέβλεψαν και την έλεγξαν με ανεύθυνο τρόπο» σημείωνε η ανακοίνωση του κρατικού πρακτορείου ειδήσεων KCNA.

Σύμφωνα με την ίδια πηγή, από την κατάρρευση της πολυκατοικίας υπάρχουν θύματα, όμως το πρακτορείο δεν έδωσε πληροφορίες για τον αριθμό των νεκρών ή των τραυματιών ούτε για τα αίτια της κατάρρευσης. Επεσήμανε εξάλλου ότι η επιχείρηση των σωστικών συνεργείων ολοκληρώθηκε.

Το KCNA μετέδωσε τη δημόσια συγγνώμη υψηλόβαθμων αξιωματούχων της χώρας, ένα σπάνιο γεγονός στη Βόρεια Κορέα, μεταξύ αυτών και ο υπουργός Ασφάλειας του Λαού Τσόε Που-Ιλ, ο οποίος παραδέχτηκε ότι απέτυχε να επιβλέψει επαρκώς το έργο της κατασκευής «προκαλώντας ένα απίστευτο δυστύχημα».

Αξιωματούχος από το υπουργείο Ένωσης της Νοτίου Κορέας επιβεβαίωσε ότι ένα 23ώροφο κτίριο κατέρρευσε στην Πιονγκγιάνγκ την Τρίτη, αν και δεν διευκρίνισε από πού έχει λάβει τις πληροφορίες αυτές.

Ο αξιωματούχος, που ζήτησε να μην κατονομαστεί, σημείωσε ότι το κτίριο φέρεται να διέθετε διαμερίσματα για 92 νοικοκυριά ή οικογένειες και πρόσθεσε ότι είναι συνηθισμένο φαινόμενο στη Βόρειο Κορέα οι ένοικοι να μετακομίζουν στα νέα κτίρια προτού αυτά ολοκληρωθούν.

«Οι νεκροί πρέπει να είναι εκατοντάδες, αν υποθέσουμε ότι κάθε οικογένεια έχει κατά μέσο όρο τέσσερα μέλη» υπογράμμισε.

Ο ηγέτης της Βόρειας Κορέας Κιμ Γιονγκ-Ουν «έμεινε ξύπνιος όλη τη νύχτα εξαιτίας της θλίψης» μόλις ενημερώθηκε για το συμβάν, δήλωσε υψηλόβαθμος αξιωματούχος της χώρας στο KCNA.

Στην Πιονγκγιάνγκ ζουν περίπου 2,5 εκατομμύρια κάτοικοι, μεγάλο μέρος των οποίων ανήκουν στις ανώτερες τάξεις του πολιτικού και στρατιωτικού κύκλου.

Newsroom ΔΟΛ, με πληροφορίες από ΑΠΕ/Reuters/Γαλλικό
 
Lukashenka threatens modern serfdom for farm workers (Transitions Online)

In an attempt to boost agriculture, Belarusian President Alyaksandr Lukashenka ordered what Interfax calls a “military approach” to this year’s harvest, The Moscow Times reports.

“Everyone needs to be on a war footing, especially for the harvest of crops,” Lukashenka said 27 May and called for “iron discipline” to keep agriculture from suffering the fate of the dairy industry, which he said lost $700 million in 2013, according to the newspaper.

Lukashenka also announced a second plank in his farm support policy.

“Yesterday, a decree was put on my table concerning – we are speaking bluntly – serfdom,” he said 27 May, according to the Financial Times’ Beyondbrics blog.

He plans to introduce legislation to prevent workers from quitting jobs on farms and moving to cities, the blog writes, citing gazeta.ru.

At the same meeting he said, “You cannot quit,” apparently aiming his remark at farm workers, the opposition website Charter ’97 reports. “Start working so that people cannot say: you press on us, but you don’t work properly. ... Don’t expect unlimited freedom anymore.”

Such a law would violate a 1957 international convention against forced labor, Beyondbrics notes. However, the Eastern European country already has a precedent in a 2012 decree banning workers in the timber industry from quitting their jobs.

Agriculture employs almost 10 percent of the Belarusian labor force, according to The Moscow Times.
 
N.Korea Slams 'Spineless' China
(The Chosun Ilbo)
North Korea's relations with its sole ally and benefactor China are going rapidly downhill. In an unprecedented move on Monday, North Korea attacked Beijing as "spineless" after cracking down on the usage of the yuan within its borders and reducing exchanges of personnel between the two sides.

The move comes after months of a de-facto oil embargo from China that has left the all-important North Korean army high and dry and forced officers to cycle to work.

◆ Outburst

"Some spineless countries are blindly following the stinking bottom of the U.S., also struggling to embrace (South Korean President) Park Geun-hye, who came to a pathetic state of being," the North's powerful National Defense Commission said in an outburst of vitriol unusual even by its own somewhat eccentric standards.

The North defended its latest missile tests as measures to strengthen its "self-defense capability."

The comments appear squarely aimed at Beijing, which joined the UN Security Council in denouncing Pyongyang's short-range missile launch last week and whose president, Xi Jinping, took the rare step of visiting South Korea before North Korea shortly after he came to power.

A day before Chinese President Xi Jinping's visit to Seoul late last month, the North also accused Beijing of warming up to the U.S. and South Korea.

◆ Crackdown on Yuan

China halted shipments of oil to North Korea for five months so far this year, and bilateral trade has declined markedly. North Korea's special economic zones, which had seen huge amounts of trade and investment from China are ailing.

According to sources in the Rajin-Sonbong economic zones, security forces recently launched a massive crackdown on usage of the Chinese currency.

State security agents cracked down on Chinese money changers who refused to accept North Korean won and only traded in yuan and U.S. dollars, the source said.

"Security agents said China is the sworn enemy," the source added.

Violent scuffles broke out during the crackdown, resulting in one security agent getting stabbed to death by a money changer, who in turn was shot and killed by other agents.

Increasing tensions in the zones, a symbol of business ties between the two allies, prompted Chinese ambassador to North Korea, Liu Hongcai, to visit the region and plead for calm.

The number of North Koreans visiting China fell 7.3 percent in the first half of this year to 91,800 people. North Korea apparently recalled all workers dispatched to China to earn valuable foreign currency.

Park Hyung-joong at the Korean Institute of National Unification said North Korea's latest outburst was an official response to China's protest against the North's missile launch and Xi's trip to Seoul.

"Due to the North Korean nuclear program, relations are unlikely to improve any time soon," he said.

Meanwhile, North Korea is cozying up to Russia. State-run media on Saturday called for strengthened relations between Moscow and Pyongyang, marking the 14th anniversary of a summit between former North Korean leader Kim Jong-il and Russian President Vladimir Putin.

But on July 11, which marks the anniversary of a friendship treaty between Beijing and Pyongyang, the regime issued no official statement.

In May, Russia wrote off US$10 billion in loans to North Korea and a senior Russian diplomat visited Pyongyang. Trade between Russia and North Korea rose 37.3 percent last year to $104 million.
 
N.Korea Furious About Kim Jong-un Dance Video
(The Chosun Ilbo)
North Korea has asked China to stop the spread of a video clip lampooning leader Kim Jong-un. According to a source in China on Tuesday, the North feels the clip, which shows Kim dancing and Kung-Fu fighting, "seriously compromises Kim's dignity and authority." Beijng was unable to oblige.

The viral video is a Chinese-language techno track that features various dance and fight scenes in which Kim's head has been magicked on the body of a participant.


Στο σάιτ μπορείτε να δείτε το βιντεοκλίπ, ή και εδώ απευθείας.
 
HORRORS OF NORTH KOREA: Defector carried knife for suicide to avoid arrest

Editor’s note: This story originally appeared in The Asahi Shimbun Digital website and part of a series of articles titled "HORRORS OF NORTH KOREA."

***

AJW ran a series of articles in March under the general title “Horrors of North Korea” that described the harsh conditions in the country and the problems facing defectors in South Korea, Japan and Canada.

But those articles, based on interviews of 60 North Korean defectors by The Asahi Shimbun and The Dong-A Ilbo of South Korea, touched on just part of what each defector went through.

As a complement to the original “Horrors of North Korea” series, AJW will run an occasional series featuring detailed versions of the interviews with the individuals.

The first installment is an interview with a man in his 60s who defected from North Korea in winter 2001 and entered Japan in October 2002.

Excerpts of the interview follow:

* * *
Question: Why did you go to North Korea in the first place?

Answer: I left Japan by ship in August 1972. My father was a Korean national living in Japan, and my mother was a Tokyoite born in the Asakusa district.

Shortly before I went to North Korea, I caused a slight incident that led to my arrest. I was imprisoned for a year and nine months. Thereafter, I was to be deported either to South Korea or North Korea.

I remembered a newspaper article about a French journalist who said that North Korea was a wonderful nation. While I had my doubts over whether that was true, I thought it would be better than South Korea, so I chose to be deported to North Korea, even though I had no relatives living there.

The ship entered the port of Chongjin in the northern part of the nation. I later worked at a paper manufacturing plant in Hyesan, also in the northern part, before moving to Kilju (North Hamgyong province) and Pyongsong (in the northern outskirts of Pyongyang).

Q: What led to your decision to defect?

A: I went to North Korea with my younger sister and younger brother. I began to think specifically about fleeing the nation 25 years after I went there. My sister developed psychological problems and entered a hospital where she died of starvation. This happened at a hospital.

In the late 1980s, salaries gradually stopped being paid, and the ration system also ended. Everyone somehow survived by taking on jobs outside of normal channels and buying food on the black market. However, in my neighborhood, some people continued to work diligently at their companies. They ended up dying of starvation.

A countless number of men died of starvation. Even if the family had money earned by the wife, the husband would not eat so his wife and children would have food, and the men died. All the men who starved to death left behind notes saying “Long live the Workers’ Party.” They wrote those notes even if they did not truly believe it. They died while leaving behind such notes on purpose because they did not want their families to face danger if they were confronted by the authorities and told, “(He) died of starvation because he was lazy in violation of the teachings of the Workers’ Party.”

All those who died were originally born in North Korea. Those who went there from Japan or those who had some smarts did business by selling rice and daily necessities. There was no distribution network to speak of in North Korea. That meant a little effort could lead to business profits.

I made a living by selling sugar, cigarettes and beer. The 50-kilogram bag of sugar had “CCCP” written on it, meaning it came from the Soviet Union. I went to a confectionary factory in North Korea and purchased the sugar. I would sell the sugar on my way back home. By the time I returned to Hyesan, my truck was empty.

At that time, there was nothing in the way of products. My sister’s death served as a catalyst because I thought: “This nation is heading straight for ruin. I have to find some way to escape.”

Fleeing North Korea, buying Chinese nationality

Q: But didn’t fleeing North Korea mean putting your life on the line?

A: For the next five years, I thoroughly studied what measures I should use to leave North Korea and who I should depend on to ensure that I would certainly leave. I felt that if I used illegal means, I would only face problems once I returned to Japan, so I thought I would obtain citizenship in China so I could “legally” return. I gave money to various people and faced many difficulties in making all the arrangements.

I fled North Korea in the winter of 2001 along with my younger brother. We went from Pyongsong back to Hyesan and crossed over into China. While the river was about 20 meters wide, it had frozen over because it was winter. We were able to walk across the river. At that time, I paid a North Korean who cooperated 2,000 won. I believe the average monthly pay in North Korea at that time was 100 won. I had money because of my business ventures in North Korea.

Once in China, I obtained a visa at the Japanese Consulate in Liaoning province. By that time, I had become a “Chinese.” That was because I acquired a Chinese identity for 40,000 yuan (about 600,000 yen at the time) from a woman whom I came to know. She worked at the local Communist Party committee in Jilin province.

In China, it was common to sell the family register of individuals who had died. I used that to become a Chinese resident and obtained the visa needed to come to Japan. I landed at Narita Airport on a flight from Lushun in October 2002.

Q: Did you ever feel danger to yourself?

A: When I was in China, I always carried a knife in my bag. That would allow me to commit suicide at any time should I be found by the police or agents of North Korea’s secret police.

Still remember seven-digit ID number

Q: Could you tell us in detail about life in North Korea?

A: The ship I used to enter North Korea had many people living in Japan who were making the trip to North Korea as well. When we reached the port at Chongjin, local children welcomed us by singing, “How good of you to return home.”

However, those children gave off a strange smell. I learned later that in washing their clothes they used sardine oil instead of detergent. That was the reason for the raw smell.

I remember how disappointed I was at that time after realizing what reality in North Korea was like. As we were taken by car from the port to the guesthouse where those from Japan stayed, I saw ox-driven carts from the car window. Another individual who was on the same ship looked at that and said: “What is that? It looks like some picture from a picture scroll.”

But that was the reality of North Korea.

Q: Did you become a member of the Workers’ Party?

A: I became one eight years after going to North Korea. I passed the test after memorizing the principles of the party. It is said that those from Japan normally take between 10 and 12 years to become a party member, so I think I achieved the goal rather quickly.

The party membership card came in a small notebook, and it contained my photo as well as such details as my address, place of birth, the name of the jurisdiction that registered me as a member and the seven-digit membership number.

I still remember that membership number. I kept the notebook in a leather case and always possessed it. There were occasional surprise checks, and if one did not have the notebook, it was taken away. I always had it with me, but I threw it away somewhere when I fled North Korea. If I had kept it, I would have been made right away.

Watching 'Rambo,' 'Titanic' was risking death

Q: Did you have opportunities to come in contact with foreign things?

A: I never came across foreign publications. However, I did watch “Rambo” and “Titanic” on video. To be honest, there were some government officials in North Korea who bought videos during foreign trips and then sold them in North Korea.

I acquired such videos through an acquaintance. Of course, we would be arrested if we were found to be watching such videos. We always watched late at night. We turned off all the lights in the apartment and covered the TV set with a blanket so no light would leak out. We also used headphones.

Even using such measures, there was one instance when I was caught by the secret police. Before raiding a place, they would turn off all power in the apartment building. In that way, it becomes impossible to eject the video, so we could not make any excuses. When I was arrested, I paid a bribe to get off the hook. If I had been sent to a political prison, that would have meant an end to my existence as a “human.” It would have meant receiving the same treatment as a cow or pig.

Kim family richer than petroleum barons

Q: What led to the corruption in North Korea?

A: After the ration system ended, government officials became busy accumulating wealth. I believe the reason bribery became worse was related to the end of the ration system. Be that as it may, I used bribes to continue with my business so I was able to lead a better life than others.

The reason North Korea does not develop is because of the ideology that Kim Il Sung’s teachings are absolute.

No one working in a company thinks about developing new technology. The boiler that was used at the paper manufacturing plant where I worked was old and falling apart. But we had to continue using it by replacing parts. No one thought about purchasing a new boiler or developing new equipment. That was because doing so would have led to creativity, which was considered a dangerous ideology. Such a nation cannot possibly develop economically.

Gold can still be mined in North Korea. However, it all ends up going to Kim Jong Un. That is not all. Rare earth metals are also being mined. For such reasons, that nation will not easily collapse. Although farmers do not have enough rice to eat, Kim Jong Un likely leads a life of luxury that is better than petroleum barons in the Middle East.

In order to destroy North Korea, its assets must first of all be frozen.

Discrimination causes suffering for defectors

Q: Were you able to contact family members left behind in North Korea after you defected?

A: I divorced my wife before I defected because I thought she would be placed in danger if I did not do so. I also did not have special feelings for her by then. However, I did want to meet with my two children. After I defected, I met my children on two occasions. I was able to meet with them by going to the Yalu river where I defected over. I gave my son a mobile phone which I used to contact him. I did not send money to my family.

In February or March 2006, my new wife whom I married in China cooperated, and I was able to have my son and daughter, my ex-wife, my son’s wife and children defect from North Korea. They all came through the same Yalu river. About six months later, they all arrived in Japan. They now have South Korean passports and live separately from me.

Q: Are you satisfied with your life in Japan?

A: That is a difficult question. Of course, my life is better than remaining in North Korea, which is only headed toward ruin. However, life is not easy in Japan, and there is discrimination.

I do not feel like returning to a North Korea that is headed toward ruin. However, most of the defectors who are in South Korea likely feel they want to return to North Korea.

The reason is that in South Korean society, there exists harsh discrimination toward defectors that is at a level unimaginable in Japan.

I have heard that defectors have been shocked because they always thought they would be welcomed if they went to South Korea because they were of the same ethnic race. There is a strong mood in South Korea that considers defectors to be a source of trouble.

That is the large difference between Japan and South Korea.

I can understand if defectors who come to Japan suffer discrimination. But I cannot forgive being discriminated by the same Korean people. I think defectors who went to South Korea now feel that they should have defected to Japan.

However, North Korea is rife with anti-Japanese sentiment, with the spreading of such propaganda as “Japan is barbaric. They easily kill people. The Japanese empire is the enemy.”

Anyone living in such an environment would never think about coming to Japan.

Future of the Korean Peninsula

Q: Do you think it will be difficult for the two Koreas to unify?

A: South Korea will have to become more tolerant. In their hearts, North Koreans do not hold bad feelings toward South Korea. I feel the peoples of the two nations can become friends if the nations are unified.

However, what would happen if South Korean society discriminated against North Koreans as it does now. It would not be possible to overcome the gap between the two peoples.

I feel the situation will move forward if South Korean society is able to accept North Koreans by appointing outstanding North Koreans to appropriate positions after unification.

The other point will be if North Koreans can also change. The political system will not change unless the people change. Although it may take time, my sense is that North Korea will change in about 40 years’ time.

What the Japanese government should do until then is to use nongovernmental organizations and religious groups to hand over money to those who are thinking of defecting. Giving each person about $500 would be sufficient. Even if they failed to defect and kept the money, what would be the problem?

If rumors spread that defectors would receive money, in a few years there would be a flood of defectors as though a dam had been breached.

Another possibility would be distributing DVDs about the reality of North Korea in Chinese territory that borders North Korea. Those who are given the DVDs would take them back to North Korea and pass around that information. That might lead to an even earlier collapse of North Korea.
 
Romania Starts Trial of Former Gulag Boss
(Balkan Insight)
Alexandru Visinescu, the former commander of a notorious Communist-era labour camp, is facing charges of crimes against humanity in court.
Marian Chiriac, Bucharest

A Bucharest court on Wednesday started the trial of Alexandru Visinescu, a former prison commander accused of aggravated murder in the deaths of at least 12 political prisoners under the Communist regime.

This is the first trial of a head of a Communist-era lockup in Romania.

Prosecutors say Visinescu, who is now 89, was involved in beating detainees, depriving them of medical treatment and exposing them to cold. Many political prisoners, including a former diplomat and a party leader, died as a result.

Between 1956 and 1963, Visinescu ran the notorious Ramnicu Sarat prison where Romania’s pre-communist leaders and intellectual elite were incarcerated.

More than 50 years have passed since the prisoners’ deaths, but under Romanian law, there is no time limit on prosecuting serious crimes.

The widow of one detainee, General Ion Eremia, who died in 2003, asked the court for 100,000 euro in moral and financial damages. Eremia was sentenced to 14 years in prison for writing a satirical novel about the Soviet leader Stalin.

Valentin Cristea, the last survivor of the Ramnicu Sarat prison, says the trial it is important, but has comes late in the day. “It is an event I could not bear to watch … It won't recognize anything, won't remember anything," Cristea told local media.

But civic activists hope that Visinescu’s trial will be the first of many, with prosecutors looking at 35 other former Communist officials.

Two other former Communist-era jail bosses, Ioan Ficior and Florian Cormos, are also accused of causing deaths and torturing political prisoners. They both deny wrongdoing.

The last Romanian to be convicted of genocide was the former Communist dictator Nicolae Ceausescu who was hurriedly tried and executed in 1989.

After decades of denial, Romania has finally started to try to punish Communist-era crimes. In April, the Romanian Institute for Investigating the Crimes of Communism, IICCMER, published a list of 35 people allegedly involved in detaining and torturing dissidents during Communist times.

Chilling details have emerged about the torments that guards inflicted on political prisoners in the gulags.

Reports have said that around 120,000 of a total of 617,000 political prisoners died in the gulags. Most were politicians, priests, writers and diplomats but some were also peasants.

The investigating committee is currently concentrating on political crimes from the early 1950s until 1964, when a general amnesty was declared.
 
Millions suffer as Uzbekistan deploys system of forced labour in the 2014 Uzbek cotton harvest
(Anti-Slavery.org)
14 November 2014

17 people lost their lives and millions, including children, were forced to pick cotton in the 2014 Uzbek cotton harvest in one of the largest state-sponsored systems of forced labour in the world, said the Cotton Campaign in its annual Uzbekistan cotton harvest review.

According to the report the government of Uzbekistan once again used systematic, mass forced labour to harvest cotton in 2014. In addition to coercing as many as four million people across the country to pick cotton, this forced labour system resulted in institutionalized harassment, extortion, and needless deaths.

Millions of Uzbek citizens were required to work in the cotton fields by local officials upon instructions from the very top of Uzbekistan’s hyper-centralised government. Continuing a trend started in 2012, the government reduced the number of children forced to pick cotton by increasing the forced labour burden on adults. The government did not, however, eliminate child labour.

Among the most tragic findings of the report was that some people have paid the ultimate price as a direct result of the government’s practices. In one case, a 3-year-old and a 5-year-old died in a house fire after being left alone while their mother, who could not afford to buy herself out of the harvest, went to pick cotton.

The report documents the forced mobilisation of 13-15 year old children in the Kashkadarya, Jizzakh, and Samarkand regions, especially toward the end the harvest. Despite decrees from the central government reminding local officials of the national law prohibiting child labour, when faced with the decision of whether to fulfil their central government-imposed cotton quotas or follow the law against child labour, officials sent children to the fields, knowing failure to deliver their quota would risk their jobs.

People who could not or did not want to harvest cotton had to pay for replacement workers and the government extorted mandatory payments from business to support the harvest. Parents in some schools and kindergartens were explicitly forced to pick cotton in place of their children. The government imposed harvest quotas on public institutions such as schools, hospitals, and local administrations, and required them to send up to send 30-60% of staff to the fields, a major increase over last year, seriously undermining the provision of key public services, such as health care and education.

The report is the result of evidence gathered by the network of monitors in Uzbekistan deployed by the Uzbek-German Forum for Human Rights, a Cotton Campaign member.

“Cotton in Uzbekistan is produced by massive human rights violations, including forced labour, said Umida Niyazova, director of the Uzbek-German Forum. “Reducing the number of children in the fields by forcing even more adults to work against their will is not sufficient. The government needs to dismantle the forced labour system.”

Uzbekistan is the fifth largest cotton producer in the world, producing raw cotton mainly for export. The government controls every aspect of production and imposes mandatory production quotas on farmers and harvesting quotas on pickers. All cotton must be sold to the government at government-established prices..

“Teachers, doctors and nurses are needed in their communities more than in cotton fields,” said The American Federation of Labour and Congress of Industrial Organizations (AFT or AFL-CIO).

“They have obligations to their students and patients as trusted professionals, and the state has an obligation to allow them to do their jobs, rather than forcing them into fields to harvest cotton. We are also very concerned about the costs these workers face to fund their participation in the cotton harvest, as well as consistent reports of deplorable working conditions and accommodations.”

With technical assistance from the International Labour Organization (ILO), the government of Uzbekistan conducted its own monitoring of efforts to eliminate the use of children under age 18 in the harvest, and the ILO praised the government’s monitoring. A number of the conclusions of that monitoring, however, were clearly contradicted by documentary evidence and eyewitness accounts collected by the Uzbek German Forum’s monitors. Again this year the authorities harassed and detained independent civil society activists and media attempting to report on the harvest.

“It’s clear from this report that Uzbekistan continues to have a serious problem with forced labor, said Nate Herman, from American Apparel and Footwear Association (AAFA).

“For this reason, many of our members have pledged not to purchase or use Uzbek cotton. We would encourage any company linked with Uzbekistan to follow that lead and look carefully into their supply chains.”

The Cotton Coalition calls on the United States government and European Union to urge the government of Uzbekistan to end its forced labour system, starting by granting the ILO unfettered access to survey forced labour and initiating agriculture sector reforms.

With the UK Government’s continues policy to promote the trade with Uzbekistan, including the latest meeting of the Uzbek-British Trade and Industry Council held in Tashkent on 7 November, the continues use of forced labour in Uzbekistan’s cotton industry puts into question the seriousness of UK government’s commitment to be a world leader in eradicating slavery.

Klara Skrivankova, Europe Programme and Advocacy Coordinator at Anti-Slavery International, said:

‘Once again the Uzbek Government forced its own citizens to pick cotton that only a narrow political elite benefits from. Let’s make it clear: it is slavery, and it is not acceptable by any standards.’

‘European governments should do more to stop these abuses. The British Government waves the flag of an anti-slavery leader, yet it continues to promote trading opportunities for British businesses in Uzbekistan. Maybe it would be taken more seriously if it stood up against a system that is based on forced labour.

‘A lot of Uzbek cotton, via China and Bangladesh, ends up on the shelves of European retailers, so businesses should also do much more to ensure that Uzbek cotton doesn’t get into their supply chains.
 
(in.gr)
Την Ελλάδα θα επισκεφθεί αυτή την εβδομάδα ο γιος του προέδρου της Κούβας Ραούλ Κάστρο και ανιψιός του Φιντέλ, Αλεχάντρο Κάστρο Εσπίν, για να παραβρεθεί στο Φεστιβάλ Κουβανικού Κινηματογράφου, που διοργανώνει στην Αθήνα η New Star, σε συνεργασία με την πρεσβεία της Κούβας (8 - 14 Ιανουαρίου) για την επέτειο των 56 χρόνων της κουβανικής επανάστασης, αλλά και για να παρουσιάσει την ελληνική έκδοση του βιβλίου του «Το τίμημα της ισχύος - Η αυτοκρατορία του τρόμου», την ερχόμενη Δευτέρα, 12/1 στο Αλκυονίς New star art cinema.

Ο Αλεχάντρο Κάστρο Εσπίν είναι μηχανικός και ερευνητής σε θέματα εθνικής ασφάλειας και άμυνας.

Κατά τη διάρκεια της παραμονής του στην Ελλάδα, θα συναντηθεί με εκπροσώπους της τοπικής αυτοδιοίκησης, με τον Μίκη Θεοδωράκη, θα δώσει διάλεξη σε μεταπτυχιακούς φοιτητές στο Πάντειο Πανεπιστήμιο (13/1), ενώ θα επισκεφθεί ιστορικούς χώρους και μουσεία, μεταξύ των οποίων η γέφυρα του Γοργοπόταμου, το πρώην ΕΑΤ- ΕΣΑ, το Μουσείο Μακρονήσου, το Μουσείο Θερμοπυλών, το Χάνι της Γραβιάς κ.ά.

Το πρόγραμμά του περιλαμβάνει επίσης επισκέψεις σε Ηράκλειο, Άργος, Ναύπλιο, Λαμία, Επίδαυρο.

Την Παρασκευή 9 Ιανουαρίου θα διεξαχθεί στο Studio εκδήλωση διεθνιστικής αλληλεγγύης, παρουσία του Αλεχάντρο Κάστρο, ενώ στη συνέχεια θα προβληθεί η ταινία Kangamba (2008), με θέμα τη διεθνιστική αλληλεγγύη της Κούβας στην Αγκόλα, στην οποία συμμετείχε εθελοντικά και ο ίδιος.

Το Φεστιβάλ Κουβανικού Κινηματογράφου θα διεξαχθεί στον κινηματογράφο Studio, θα προβληθούν 26 ταινίες και ντοκιμαντέρ. Διοργανώνεται σε συνεργασία με το Ινστιτούτο Τέχνης και Κινηματογραφικής Βιομηχανίας της Κούβας (ICAIC).


Εκλογές θα κάνετε; Πάνε 55 χρόνια που κυβερνάτε, νισάφι! Εδώ έχουμε εκλογές κάθε τέσσερα δυο χρόνια...
 
Σχετικό με μια ανάρτηση στο νήμα Σοβιετικά (προτού ανοίξω το παρόν νήμα):

Prominent North Korean Defector Recants Parts of His Story of Captivity
(CHOE SANG-HUN / NYT)

SEOUL, South Korea — He was the poster boy for human rights atrocities in North Korea; a soft-spoken survivor of the North’s cruel gulags who eventually met such dignitaries as John Kerry in his campaign to focus attention on the North’s abuses. His harrowing tales of life in a prison camp — including being forced to watch his mother and brother being executed — stunned even those steeped in defectors’ stories and made him a star witness for an unprecedented United Nations’ investigation of abuses by the North’s rulers.

Now, that survivor, Shin Dong-hyuk, is retracting central facts of his life story, memorialized in a 2012 book, “Escape from Camp 14,” by a former Washington Post reporter that has been published in 27 languages.

Mr. Shin, who gives his age as 32, now says that the key fact that set him apart from other defectors — that he and his family had been incarcerated at a prison that no one expected to leave alive — was only partly true, and that he actually served most of his time in the less brutal Camp 18. He also said that the torture he endured as a teenager, instead happened years later and was meted out for very different reasons.

Mr. Shin’s confession has raised fears among other prison camp survivors and South Korean human rights activists that it could stall an already difficult campaign by the United States and other nations to get the Security Council to push for an investigation at the International Criminal Court. Other camp survivors also testified before the United Nations investigators, recounting being tortured and starved, but activists worry that Mr. Shin’s recanting will help China and other North Korea supporters fight against opening a court case.

In a twist, Mr. Shin’s story began to unravel because of his fame — and his success in helping push for the United Nations inquiry. Increasingly angry over the push for accountability at the United Nations, North Korea posted a nearly 10-minute video in October, called “Lie and Truth,” exposing what it called Mr. Shin’s many lies. The video was laced with propaganda for the brutal police state, but it also included an interview with his father, who was recognized by another defector, a woman who had served time at Camp 18.

She and other defectors then began to talk quietly with a handful of South Korean reporters about their suspicions that Mr. Shin and his family had never served time at the harsher camp in what is known as a “total-control zone.” As questions mounted, Mr. Shin came under increasing pressure to defend his story.

On Friday, he confessed to the author of “Escape from Camp 14,” Blaine Harden, and confirmed his retractions Sunday in a phone interview with The New York Times.

“I am sorry to a lot of people,” Mr. Shin said by telephone from the United States, where he recently married a Korean-American woman. “I knew I could hide it no longer, but I dithered because friends feared the damage my coming out might do to the movement for North Korean human rights.”

A post on his Facebook page urged his supporters to fight on to expose North Korea’s treatment of its people.

“For my family, for the suffering political prisoners, for the suffering North Korean people, each of you still have a voice and an ability to fight for us and against this evil regime,” the post says, adding that he may no longer be able to carry on his own campaign.

It is difficult to overestimate the influence Mr. Shin has had in the long effort to bring international attention to rights abuses in the North. Activists have long contended that the United States and others mainly ignored the abuses and focused instead on the external threat posed by the North’s growing nuclear arsenal.

In December 2012, Mr. Shin, together with another gulag survivor, took part in a meeting with then-United Nations human rights chief Navi Pillay in her Geneva office, according to Rupert Colville, who had served as her spokesman. Ms. Pillay cited the survivors’ accounts the next month when she publicly urged stronger international action against North Korea and the creation of an international inquiry into human rights conditions.

After the commission issued its scathing report, Mr. Shin appeared with Mr. Kerry at an unusual event on the sidelines of the General Assembly in which Mr. Kerry, too, added his voice to efforts to draw attention to human rights in North Korea.

Brad Adams, Asia director for Human Rights Watch, said Sunday that Mr. Shin’s change of heart did not diminish the findings of the yearlong United Nations inquiry, which relied on the testimony of 80 witnesses and more than 240 confidential interviews with victims and other witnesses who would not speak publicly for fear of reprisals.

“The commission report is air tight with or without Shin,” Mr. Adams said.

In a phone interview, Michael Kirby, the Australian judge who led the United Nations investigation, noted that the “commission deals with very serious abuses of human rights that go back over 70 years.”

In his revised account, Mr. Shin stuck to many of the key details he gave to the United Nations Commission of Inquiry.

Mr. Shin’s story, which he repeated many times in recent years, was remarkable. He said he was born and grew up at Camp 14 — a sprawling cluster of villages in mountains north of the North Korean capital, Pyongyang, surviving hunger and torture until he miraculously escaped in 2005, at 22, by crawling over the body of a dead friend electrocuted by a fence surrounding the camp.

He was the first North Korean who claimed to have escaped from a prison camp in the North. More than a dozen other camp survivors have escaped to South Korea, but all had been freed after serving terms in prisons that are used for re-education as well as punishment.

Among his more gruesome tales, Mr. Shin had said sadistic prison guards dangled him over a fire when they suspected him of plotting to escape with his family and chopped off a finger tip when he dropped a sewing machine. He now says the guards actually hurt him because he had escaped from Camp 18 and been caught.

The Washington Post first reported Mr. Shin’s revisions.

On Sunday, Mr. Harden declined to be interviewed, but in a statement he provided to The Times he said that Mr. Shin said he had not realized that changing the details of his story for the book would be a problem.

“I didn’t want to tell exactly what happened in order not to relive these painful moments,” the statement quoted Mr. Shin as saying.

It is difficult to verify the accounts of North Korean defectors because the country is so isolated. In an email Sunday, Mr. Harden said he had stressed in his book that Mr. Shin could be an unreliable narrator of his life.

When asked if copies of the book would be pulled from stores, a spokeswoman for Penguin Books, said that “we are working with the author on an accurate understanding of the facts.”

Mr. Shin’s latest account has raised its own questions. He now says he escaped Camp 18 twice, in 1999 and 2001, was caught both times, and eventually handed to the infamous Camp 14.

“He is still lying,” said a North Korean defector who said he was in Camp 18, speaking on condition of anonymity because he has family in the North. “You just cannot escape a North Korean prison camp twice, as he said he did, and is still alive and manages to escape a third time, this time from the total-control zone.”

During a phone interview Sunday, Mr. Shin cited “great mental stress” while declining to explain how he escaped so many times from heavily guarded camps.

Another former inmate, Chung Kwang-il, said he could not understand why Mr. Shin lied.

“Without saying he was from Camp 14, he had remarkable stories to tell, a good witness to North Korean human rights abuse,” he said. “I guess he somehow thought he needed a more dramatic story to attract attention.”
Correction: January 19, 2015

Because of a transcription error, an earlier version of this article included a quotation by a former inmate of North Korean prison camps that referred incorrectly to the camp where Shin Dong-hyuk originally said he served most of his time, but then recanted. It was the more brutal Camp 14, not Camp 18.

Reporting was contributed by Nick Cumming-Bruce from Geneva, Alexandra Alter and Somini Sengupta from New York, and Michelle Innis from Sydney, Australia.
 
jibaro, το παράνομο...φιλέτο

Επιστροφή στη «νέα» Κούβα
Πηγή: The Associated Press
(Καθημερινή)
Η Anita Snow, δημοσιογράφος στο Associated Press και πρώην ανταποκρίτρια στην Κούβα επί σειρά ετών, επιστρέφει στη χώρα μετά από έξι χρόνια και διηγείται τη σημερινή εμπειρία της. Τι έχει μεσολαβήσει; Η κοινή ανακοίνωση για τη βελτίωση των σχέσεων Κούβας και ΗΠΑ και η επακόλουθη χαλάρωση των εκατέρωθεν περιορισμών που γέννησαν... ελπίδες.

Περνώντας από το τελωνείο με μια βαλίτσα αξίας 60 δολαρίων, γεμάτη με ρούχα και ηλεκτρονικά για φίλους, το στομάχι μου σφίχτηκε όταν με πλησίασε μια γυναίκα με πράσινη στολή. Εχοντας υπάρξει ανταποκρίτρια στη χώρα για πολλά έτη και επιστρέφοντας μετά από έξι χρόνια, νόμιζα ότι ήξερα τι επρόκειτο να ακολουθήσει: θα μου έψαχναν τη βαλίτσα οι στρατιώτες, θα με κατσάδιαζαν, μπορεί να μου έβαζαν και κάποιο πρόστιμο. Αντ’ αυτού, μου έδωσαν απλώς το πάσο. «Πέρασε, αγάπη μου», μου χαμογέλασε η ένστολη γυναίκα δείχνοντάς μου την έξοδο. «Πήγαινε δεξιά επάνω».

Αυτή ήταν η πρώτη ένδειξη της πιο χαλαρής και ελπιδοφόρας ατμόσφαιρας που βρήκα στη διάρκεια της πρόσφατης σύντομης επίσκεψής μου στην Αβάνα, μια αίσθηση που δεν υπήρχε το διάστημα της δεκαετούς θητείας μου εδώ από το 1999 έως το 2009, οπότε κυριαρχούσαν το άγχος και η απομόνωση. Οι μεταρρυθμίσεις που γίνονται υπό την προεδρία του Ραούλ Κάστρο φαίνεται πως μετατρέπουν την Κούβα σταδιακά σε μια νέα χώρα. Οπουδήποτε κι αν πήγα στην Αβάνα, υπήρχαν υψηλές προσδοκίες για ακόμη περισσότερες αλλαγές, ενώ μετά την κοινή ανακοίνωση της 17ης Δεκεμβρίου, οπότε Κούβα και ΗΠΑ δήλωσαν ότι θα έχουν στο εξής καλύτερες σχέσεις, οι Κουβανοί ελπίζουν να αυξηθούν οι αφίξεις Αμερικανών τουριστών στη χώρα τους.

Οταν ζούσα εδώ ως Αμερικανίδα δημοσιογράφος, ήμουν υπό στενή παρακολούθηση, ενώ ειδικά τα πρώτα χρόνια επικρατούσε έντονη καχυποψία προς το πρόσωπό μου. Δεν θα ξεχάσω όταν ένας ένστολος πράκτορας απαίτησε να μπει στο διαμέρισμά μου στην Παλιά Αβάνα για να βεβαιωθεί ότι δεν διέθετα την επικίνδυνη συσκευή που λέγεται φαξ. Συγχρόνως, παρόλο που οι δρόμοι της πόλης είχαν λίγη κίνηση και περιορισμένη εμπορική δραστηριότητα, σε κάθε γωνία υπήρχαν μέλη της Εθνικής Επαναστατικής Πολιτοφυλακής, τα οποία ασφαλώς δεν χαμογελούσαν.

Ως ξένη με πρόσβαση στο δολάριο, οι συνθήκες ζωής μου ήταν καλύτερες από ό,τι του μέσου Κουβανού. Κανείς όμως δεν μπορούσε να γλιτώσει από όλες τις δυσκολίες που εξακολουθούσαν να υπάρχουν μετά την «ειδική περίοδο» της δεκαετίας του ’90 - περίοδο οικονομικής λιτότητας μετά την απώλεια των σοβιετικών επιδοτήσεων.

Τα «μπλακ άουτ» διαρκούσαν ώρες, προκαλώντας αϋπνίες και πνιγηρές καλοκαιρινές νύχτες χωρίς κλιματισμό, αλλά και κάνοντας αδύνατο το μπάνιο στα κτίρια όπου ο ηλεκτρισμός ήταν απαραίτητος για να φτάσει το νερό στα διαμερίσματα ή καταστρέφοντας όλα τα τρόφιμα στα ψυγεία. Επίσης, υπήρχαν ελλείψεις σε βασικά αγαθά, όπως στο χαρτί υγείας και στα αυγά.

Επιστρέφοντας όμως σήμερα στην Αβάνα, δεν είδα ούτε τις ιερόδουλες (jineteras) που συναντούσες στην παραλιακή Malecοn και στις εισόδους ξενοδοχείων ή ντόπιους να ζητούν λεφτά ή οτιδήποτε άλλο, ούτε όμως και τόση αστυνομία σε κάθε γωνιά του δρόμου.

Τα κτίρια της πρωτεύουσας, ορισμένα εκ των οποίων μετρούν περισσότερους από δύο αιώνες ζωής, παραμένουν παραμελημένα, «ζητώντας» ένα χέρι βάψιμο, και σε ορισμένες περιπτώσεις οι προσόψεις καταρρέουν. Επικίνδυνες «συστάδες» μπλεγμένων ηλεκτρικών και τηλεφωνικών καλωδίων εξακολουθούν να διαπερνούν στενά δρομάκια με λακκούβες. Αλλά την ίδια στιγμή τα τουριστικά λεωφορεία παρκάρουν στο ανατολικό άκρο της Malecοn και οι τουρίστες κατακλύζουν τις πλατείες αποικιακής αρχιτεκτονικής της Αβάνας, ενώ σε αντίθεση με το παρελθόν πλέον οι δρόμοι είναι φωταγωγημένοι.

Η πλειονότητα των κατοίκων εξακολουθούν να εργάζονται για την κυβέρνηση, κερδίζοντας περί τα 20 δολάρια το μήνα -περίπου το ίδιο ποσό έπαιρναν και έξι χρόνια πριν-, και όλοι λαμβάνουν επιδοτήσεις για φαγητό, στέγαση, υπηρεσίες κοινής ωφέλειας και μετακίνηση. Ορισμένοι προσπαθούν να επιβιώσουν κάνοντας και δεύτερη δουλειά ή ζουν «στα... άκρα» ενισχύοντας το βασικό τους εισόδημα με την πώληση αγαθών που κλέβουν από τους χώρους εργασίας τους ή προϊόντων από αυτά που τους αναλογούν κάθε μήνα για φαγητό.

Κουβανοί με δικές τους επιχειρήσεις υποστηρίζουν ότι οι μεταρρυθμίσεις που γίνονται είναι ό,τι πρέπει για να αρχίσουν να ανακάμπτουν. Ο Jean Barrionuebo, για παράδειγμα, που δούλευε παράνομα ως ταξιτζής για έξι χρόνια, προτού καταφέρει να πάρει άδεια τα τελευταία δύο, μου είπε ότι στη συνεχή προσπάθειά του να αποφύγει τα πρόστιμα είχε γίνει αντιπαραγωγικός. «Εμείς οι Κουβανοί θα ήμασταν τρελοί αν δεν θέλαμε να σταματήσει αυτή η σύγκρουση με τις Ηνωμένες Πολιτείες», λέει ο ίδιος, ενώ οδηγεί ένα ρωσικής προέλευσης Moskvitch Sedan, το οποίο αγόρασε αφού πούλησε το διαμέρισμα που κληρονόμησε από τους γονείς του. «Αυτή η σύγκρουση διήρκεσε 56 χρόνια και οι Κουβανοί ήταν αυτοί που πλήρωσαν το κόστος».

Η βελτίωση των σχέσεων μεταξύ Κούβας και ΗΠΑ έφερε στο προσκήνιο το ζήτημα των ανθρωπίνων δικαιωμάτων τόσο για τους Αμερικανούς αξιωματούχους όσο και για τους ακτιβιστές, αλλά οι περισσότεροι Κουβανοί με τους οποίους μίλησα φάνηκε να τους απασχολεί πολύ περισσότερο το θέμα των χρημάτων και της συντήρησης των οικογενειών τους. Και οι περισσότεροι παλιοί φίλοι και γνωστοί που συνάντησα μου φάνηκε να περνούν καλύτερα -ή τουλάχιστον όχι χειρότερα- από ό,τι πριν.

Οι οικονομικές αλλαγές που είδα είναι όλες αποτέλεσμα των μεταρρυθμίσεων στις οποίες προχώρησε ο Ραούλ Κάστρο μετά την ανάληψη της προεδρίας από τον άρρωστο αδερφό του Φιντέλ στις αρχές του 2008. Το πρώτο πράγμα που έκανε ήταν να δώσει τέλος στο «τουριστικό απαρτχάιντ» που εμπόδιζε τους Κουβανούς να μένουν σε ξενοδοχεία που προορίζονταν για τους ξένους. Στη συνέχεια άρθηκαν οι απαγορεύσεις σχετικά με την πώληση ιδιωτικών κατοικιών και αυτοκινήτων και χορηγήθηκαν άδειες για ιδιωτικά ταξί. Επίσης η κυβέρνηση κατάργησε τη «λευκή κάρτα» που απαιτούνταν για δεκαετίες να βγάζουν οι Κουβανοί ακόμη και για να πάνε διακοπές - επιτρέποντας επιτέλους την ελεύθερη έξοδο από τη χώρα.

Η έμπορος επίπλων Elia Rodriguez παρατηρεί ότι οι Κουβανοί έχουν αρχίσει να ενδιαφέρονται περισσότερο για τον εξοπλισμό των χώρων τους. «Ολοι θέλουν να έχουν ωραία σπίτια», λέει η ίδια υποδεχόμενη συγχρόνως μια ομάδα πελατών. Επίσης, συνειδητοποίησε ότι έχουν τρία ολόκληρα χρόνια να περάσουν για έλεγχο επιθεωρητές, που στο παρελθόν «ξεσκόνιζαν» κάθε μήνα περίπου τα βιβλία της επιχείρησης.

Οι πρώτες ιδιωτικές επιχειρήσεις που επιτράπηκαν από την κυβέρνηση τη δεκαετία του ’90 ήταν μεταξύ άλλων οικογενειακά εστιατόρια, τα λεγόμενα paladars. Ευρισκόμενα μέσα στα σπίτια, σαν καλά κρυμμένα μυστικά, διέθεταν αυστηρά μέχρι 12 καρέκλες και απαγορευόταν διά νόμου να πωλούν σκληρά ποτά και «ακριβά» εδέσματα, όπως γαρίδες, αστακό και μοσχαρίσιο κρέας. Σε ένα από αυτά συνήθιζα να πηγαίνω με τους φίλους μου και να παραγγέλνουμε ένα «jibaro», όπως ήταν η κωδική ονομασία του παράνομου φιλέτου.

Σήμερα λειτουργούν στην Αβάνα εκατοντάδες εστιατόρια από ιδιώτες που σερβίρουν οποιοδήποτε φαγητό ή ποτό θέλουν, αρκεί να μπορούν να αποδείξουν ότι το έχουν προμηθευτεί νόμιμα. Μπορούν ακόμη να εξυπηρετούν απεριόριστο αριθμό πελατών και να διαφημίζονται.
Στις αρχές της δεκαετίας του ’90 λειτούργησαν επίσης οι πρώτες αγορές αγροτικών προϊόντων, τις τιμές των οποίων όριζαν οι ίδιοι οι προμηθευτές, με βασική προϋπόθεση να εξασφαλίζεται ότι οι άνθρωποι εν μέσω οικονομικής κρίσης θα μπορούσαν να τα αγοράσουν.

Πηγαίνοντας ξανά σήμερα στην αγορά της 19ης Οδού, βρήκα λιγότερους προμηθευτές, αλλά μεγαλύτερη ποικιλία: μπρόκολα και κουνουπίδια, γλυκοπατάτες, λάχανα, μελιτζάνες και ξερά φασόλια. Την ίδια στιγμή όμως που τα προϊόντα είναι φθηνά για τους ξένους, εξακολουθούν να είναι ακριβά για τους περισσότερους Κουβανούς, οι οποίοι διαλέγουν προσεκτικά μονάχα τα απολύτως απαραίτητα, όπως λίγα κρεμμύδια και σπιτική σάλτσα τομάτας. Σε κάθε περίπτωση, πάντως, δεν είναι λίγες οι επιχειρήσεις που έχουν ανοίξει στον ίδιο δρόμο: ένας πάγκος με χυμούς, μια μικρή πιτσαρία, ένα κατάστημα που πουλάει δερμάτινα πορτοφόλια και ρουστίκ μεταλλικές κούπες για καφέ. Επίσης καινούργιοι είναι ο επιδιορθωτής ρολογιών, ο υδραυλικός και ο κλειδαράς.

Μέσα στη σκεπαστή αγορά, ο Leonardo Santos, 51 ετών, πουλάει κομματάκια καρύδας για 35 σεντς, ακριβώς κάτω από ένα μπλε πλακάτ που έγραφε «Το όνομά μου είναι Σάντος» στα Αγγλικά, απευθυνόμενο στους Αμερικανούς τουρίστες που περνούν από εκεί.

Ο Radames Betancourt, στα 81 του σήμερα, συνέχισε να κάνει μικρά χαμαλίκια έναντι φιλοδωρήματος. Ο ίδιος, μόλις με αναγνώρισε, μου χαμογέλασε και το πρόσωπό του φωτίστηκε, ενώ δεν παρέλειψε να μου πει πόσο ενθουσιασμένος είναι με την προοπτική της βελτίωσης των σχέσεων Κούβας και ΗΠΑ, και των ολοένα και περισσότερων Αμερικανών που θα καταφτάσουν στο νησί του: «Αφήστε τους να έρθουν. Τόσα χρόνια τούς περιμένουμε».
 

nickel

Administrator
Staff member
Συνεχίζεται η βρομερή δυτική προπαγάνδα εναντίον του ηγέτη της Βόρειας Κορέας:

North Korea's Defence Minister Hyon Yong-chol has been executed for showing disloyalty to leader Kim Jong-un, South Korea's spy agency has told parliament.
MPs were told Mr Hyon was killed on 30 April by anti-aircraft fire in front of an audience of hundreds, the Yonhap news agency reports.
It said Mr Hyon had fallen asleep during an event attended by Kim Jong-un and had not carried out instructions.
The news comes weeks after the reported execution of 15 senior officials. [...]

http://www.bbc.com/news/world-asia-32716749
 
Mr Hyon was killed on 30 April by anti-aircraft fire in front of an audience of hundreds

Εγώ είμαι σίγουρος ότι το συγκεκριμένο είναι μούφα (αν κατάλαβα καλά τη σπόντα). Κάτι μάθαμε από τόσα σκυλιά.
 
Το σκεπτικό μου είναι το εξής: όσο τραβηγμένη κι αν είναι μια είδηση, λόγω της ακόμα πιο τραβηγμένης φύσης του καθεστώτος καμία δεν μπορεί να αποκλειστεί με βεβαιότητα με βάση το τι είναι "εύλογο". Κάτι μάθαμε από τόσα φουρνισμένα πτώματα, από τόσους τόνους μαλλιά και χρυσά δόντια.
 

SBE

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Αυτές οι εκτελέσεις μου θυμίζουν λίγο ταινίες Τζέημς Μποντ, που αντί να τον καθαρίσει ο κακός τον ήρωα με μια σφαίρα στο κεφάλι, να είναι βέβαιο το αποτέλεσμα, τον δένει σ' ένα τραπέζι και βάζει το λέιζερ που θα τον κόψει/ ράψει (να μην έχουμε αίματα) να έρθει από την άλλη άκρη του δωματίου με ρυθμό χελώνας. Και φεύγει και τον αφήνει μόνο του, επίσης.
 

nickel

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Αλλάζει γνώμη η Σεούλ σχετικά με την εκτέλεση με αντιαεροπορικά πυρά του υπουργού Άμυνας της Βορείου Κορέας επειδή αποκοιμήθηκε.
Οι υπηρεσίες πληροφοριών της χώρας λένε τώρα ότι ο Χιόν Γιονγκ Τσολ απομακρύνθηκε από τη θέση του, αλλά δεν είναι σίγουρο ότι εκτελέστηκε.
Την Πέμπτη, η υπηρεσία πληροφοριών της Νοτίου Κορέας δήλωσε ότι δεν έχει καταφέρει να επιβεβαιώσει εάν ο υπουργός Άμυνας της χώρας όντως εκτελέστηκε.
Η είδηση είχε δει το φως της δημοσιότητας στη διάρκεια συνεδρίασης κοινοβουλευτικής επιτροπής την Τετάρτη, όπου η υπηρεσία πληροφοριών άφησε να εννοηθεί ότι ίσως είχε εκτελεστεί με αντιαεροπορικά πυρά.
Ωστόσο, την Πέμπτη η νοτιοκορεατική υπηρεσία NIS ανέφερε ότι η εκτέλεση δεν έχει επιβεβαιωθεί. Η είδηση είχε προλάβει να κάνει τον γύρο του κόσμου.
«Ο Χιόν έχει καρατομηθεί» ανέφερε εκπρόσωπος του NIS στο Γαλλικό Πρακτορείο Ειδήσεων. «Και υπάρχουν πληροφορίες ότι μπορεί να εκτελέστηκε, αλλά αυτό δεν έχει ακόμα επιβεβαιωθεί» τόνισε.

http://news.in.gr/world/article/?aid=1231407804

Καρατομήθηκε; Δηλαδή πώς καρατομήθηκε;
Η χρήση ρήματος με κυριολεκτική και μεταφορική σημασία σε θέση μπαλώματος;;;

Όσο για τη διατύπωσή μου στο #54, δεν ήταν για να ειρωνευτώ μέλος του φόρουμ, αλλά για να δείξω τη θέση μου απέναντι σ' αυτή τη διελκυστίνδα προπαγάνδας. Από τη στιγμή που ένας κοκοβιός σαν τον Κιμ Γιονγκ Ουν έχει τη δύναμη που έχει πάνω σ' έναν λαό, η απέχθειά μου προς το καθεστώς του βρίσκεται ήδη στο 100%. Το τι κάνει αποκεί και πέρα είναι 50 αποχρώσεις της 100% απέχθειας.
 

nickel

Administrator
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Επιστροφή στους «αγρούς του θανάτου»
Νατάσα Μπαστέα | Τα Νέα 20/05/2015 |

Τα κρανία είναι τοποθετημένα στη σειρά πίσω από το τζάμι. Κεριά καίνε στα σκαλιά αυτού του μαυσωλείου. Απ' έξω, σε μια περιοχή όπου είχαν βρεθεί πολλοί μαζικοί τάφοι, μπορεί κάποιος να εντοπίσει ακόμη κομμάτια από ανθρώπινα οστά, κυρίως μετά την εποχή των μουσώνων. Οι τουρίστες φωτογραφίζονται δίπλα από μια μεγάλη ταμπέλα που δείχνει πως χιλιάδες άνθρωποι οδηγήθηκαν κάποτε στον θάνατο σε αυτό το μέρος όπου χτυπούσαν τα κεφάλια των παιδιών πάνω σε αυτό που ονομαζόταν «δέντρο του θανάτου».

Πριν από 40 χρόνια ξεκινούσε η φρίκη για τους χιλιάδες που κατέληξαν σε αυτό το στρατόπεδο εξόντωσης στο Τσουνγκ Εκ, στα περίχωρα της Πνομ Πεν στην Καμπότζη. Στις 17 Απριλίου 1975, οι Ερυθροί Χμερ κατέλαβαν την πρωτεύουσα και άρχισαν να διώχνουν τους κατοίκους των μεγάλων πόλεων σε μια εκστρατεία υποδούλωσης και μαζικών δολοφονιών που κόστισε τη ζωή σε τουλάχιστον δύο εκατομμύρια ανθρώπους - το 1/4 του πληθυσμού της Καμπότζης. Τώρα σε αυτό τον «αγρό του θανάτου», οι επιζώντες από τον τετράχρονο τρόμο βρέθηκαν δίπλα σε μοναχούς με πορτοκαλί ρούχα για να αποδώσουν φόρο τιμής στους νεκρούς.

Ανάμεσά τους η Τίρι Σενγκ, οι γονείς της οποίας δολοφονήθηκαν από τους Ερυθρούς Χμερ. Πιστεύει ότι κάτι λείπει. «Αυτό δεν είναι ένα μέρος ελπίδας» λέει καθώς το πλήθος διαλύεται. «Είναι ένα μέρος που μιλά για το παρελθόν αλλά χρειάζεται να κάνουμε κάτι περισσότερο. Δεν υπάρχει λύτρωση στον τρόπο που θυμόμαστε». Είναι μια υπενθύμιση της ανοιχτής πληγής που άφησαν τα χρόνια των Χμερ στην Καμπότζη, η οποία παραμένει μια από τις πιο φτωχές χώρες στην ευρύτερη περιοχή.

Ποτέ δεν έγινε προσπάθεια συμφιλίωσης ή αποδοχής της αλήθειας, όπως έγινε για παράδειγμα στη Νότια Αφρική ώστε να αντιμετωπισθεί το απαρτχάιντ. Ούτε υπήρξε πλήρης πολιτική αλλαγή. Ο Χουν Σεν που βρίσκεται στην πρωθυπουργία επί 30 χρόνια είναι ένα πρώην διοικητής των Ερυθρών Χμερ που αυτομόλησε. Οι δίκες των υπευθύνων για τις σφαγές έχουν αρχίσει εδώ και εννέα χρόνια από ένα ειδικό δικαστήριο που μέχρι στιγμής έχει εκδώσει μόνο τρεις καταδικαστικές αποφάσεις διοικητών που είχαν διατάξει μαζικές δολοφονίες - σε ισόβια κάθειρξη.

Η Σενγκ έχει απογοητευθεί από τη δικαιοσύνη, καθώς λέει πως οι επιζήσαντες δεν έχουν συμπεριληφθεί στη διαδικασία. Και θεωρεί πως δεν μπορεί το δικαστήριο να δέχεται ότι ο κατηγορούμενος «μπορεί να παραμείνει σιωπηλός» όπως σε μια οποιαδήποτε άλλη δίκη. «Δεν θέλω αυτοί οι μπάσταρδοι να παραμείνουν σιωπηλοί, λυπάμαι» λέει οργισμένη. Πριν από δέκα χρόνια έγραψε ένα βιβλίο με μαρτυρίες για τις σφαγές με τίτλο «Κόρη των αγρών του θανάτου». Οι μαρτυρίες προέρχονται κυρίως από ξένους που ζούσαν στην Καμπότζη. Οι ντόπιοι δυσκολεύονταν να μιλήσουν. Ακόμη και τώρα δεν μιλούν. Κι έτσι όσοι χάθηκαν στους «αγρούς του θανάτου» ακόμη δεν έχουν βρει λύτρωση.
 
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